For decades, Democrats have watched their party’s influence wane in Appalachia. While the Democratic Party used to be a bastion of support for the rural and working class, that’s changed dramatically in recent years as the party has mostly focused on winning national races and tailoring its messaging to focus on progressive social agendas. And the result has been states like West Virginia, once a reliable Democratic stronghold, turning red all the way down the ballot.

The party has been losing its grip on rural areas for more than forty years — starting after the 1980 election — and the trend has only accelerated since the mid 2010s. This doesn’t mean that Democrats have been unsuccessful nationwide. Since 2008, the Democrats have won the presidency in 2008, 2012, and 2020. They also secured control of the Senate in 2006, 2008, 2012, 2020, and 2022. But they did so without rural voters, and except for a few Democratic outliers like Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear, the party’s disconnect with rural America has turned into a near-total estrangement. 

History has shown that by connecting with rural voters, Democrats can build key support. From 2005-2009, the Democratic National Committee implemented a 50-state strategy championed by then-DNC Chair Howard Dean. The goal was to build political infrastructure in every state — including those with historically weak Democratic support — in hopes of creating a competitive landscape for future elections. 

Though there was some opposition, the 50-state plan was modestly successful. Over its four-year implementation, there was a net gain of 39 Democratic state house seats across the country. In the four years after the strategy was mothballed, Democrats had a net loss of 246 state house seats. 

This shift has had significant implications, particularly in down ballot races throughout the country. Though they do not see as much coverage and prestige, state legislatures hold most of the legislative power in this county. Legislation getting passed at the federal level is very difficult — due to Senate filibuster rules requiring a 60-vote majority, most major legislative actions happen at the state level. The DNC’s neglect of rural and non-battleground states has contributed to the rise of Republican supermajorities in state legislatures across rural America.

A stark example of this trend is West Virginia. Once a reliable “blue state,” West Virginia has voted Republican in presidential elections since 2000. From 1992 to 2014, Democrats controlled both the state Senate and House of Delegates, but Republicans have held majorities in both chambers since 2014, often with supermajorities. As of 2024, Republicans maintain a significant majority in the House of Delegates and out of 34 state senators, only three are Democrats. 

Besides the change in strategy, the shift in campaign discourse also has played a role in the disappearance of Democratic strongholds across rural America. In recent years, the Democrats’ messaging has predominantly targeted their traditional urban and college-educated base, emphasizing progressive social agendas. This shift has left many in rural and middle America feeling overlooked. While some argue that progressivism is unpopular in these areas, history shows that economic populism has traditionally found support among rural voters: Recent polling shows that 57% of rural voters prefer economic policy more aligned with what Democrats are offering over Republicans. 

So, is this the year Democrats re-focus their efforts on winning back rural and working-class voters? Maybe. In June 2024, under President Joe Biden and current DNC Chair Jaime Harrison, the DNC allocated $2 million to boost Democrats in down ballot races in 11 non-battleground states: Maryland, Texas, Colorado, Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Mexico, South Dakota, Utah, and Washington. 

Additionally, the selection of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as a vice-presidential candidate is seen as a move to reconnect with working-class voters. On Wednesday at the Democratic National Convention, Walz spoke to some of these issues, stating “I represented my neighbors in Congress for 12 years and I learned an awful lot. I learned how to work across the aisle on issues like growing the rural economies and taking care of veterans. And I learned how to compromise without compromising my values.” 

Despite Walz’s mixed results with rural white voters in Minnesota, he did perform better than other Democratic candidates nationwide, securing 44% of non-college educated white voters in 2022, while the national average was 32%. With that being said, leading up to the DNC, the Harris/Walz campaign trail seemed to only be focusing on key swing states with stops planned in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Minnesota, Colorado and Arizona. 

As the Democratic Party works to rebuild its presence in rural America, the impact of these strategies remain to be seen. The renewed focus on non-battleground states and the inclusion of working-class advocates in the party’s ranks could signal a shift in the party’s approach to reclaiming lost ground.

Dr. Samantha Godbey is the Director of Civics Institute and Debate Coach at Fairmont State University in Fairmont, West Virginia.