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Opioid Epidemic

Injured Workers in Rural Areas More Likely to Receive Opioid Rx

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A worker cuts a tree branch lodged on a home's utility lines in Media, Pa., Monday, Feb. 25, 2019. Thousands of utility customers remain without power in Pennsylvania as high winds continue to roar through the state, knocking down trees and power lines. Photo: AP Photo/Matt Rourke

Injured miners and construction workers are in the occupations most likely to receive an opioid prescription, the study shows. Injured workers living in “rural” or “very rural” areas were up to 25% more likely than urban injured workers to receive opioid painkillers.

Injured workers in rural areas are more likely to receive prescriptions for opioids, a new study shows.   

The study by the Workers’ Compensation Research Institute (WCRI) looked at how a worker’s age, injury, industry and location impacted how likely they were to be given prescriptions for opioids. WCRI is an independent, non-profit research institute that looks at workers’ compensation policies and practices to provide information to the workers’ compensation industry.  

WCRI looked at 1.4 million post-injury pain medication prescriptions in 27 states from October, 2014 to September 30, 2015. All prescriptions were issued before the Centers for Disease Control issued tighter guidelines for opioid prescriptions in 2016.  

 (The states studied were Arkansas, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and Wisconsin.)  

(Source: Correlates of Opioid Use. Workers Compensation Research institute)

Injured workers in rural or very rural counties were found to be more likely to receive at least one opioid prescription. The study used the Urban-Rural Continuum Codes to determine whether or not an area was rural. According to those codes, rural areas include non-metropolitan counties adjacent to metro areas or counties where population size was greater than 20,000; and very rural areas were those where population size was less than 20,000.  

According to the study, two thirds of injured patients in rural and very rural areas received at least one opioid prescription, where one third received two or more prescriptions. But those in rural areas were only slightly more likely to stay on the prescriptions longer, with 10 percent of those injured workers on opioids having prescriptions for 60 days or more, as compared to 9 percent in rural areas.   

“In this study we tried to identify factors that were associated with higher and lower opioid dispensing rates and we observed higher opioid dispensing rates in rural counties compared to urban counties,” said Dr.  Vennela Thumula, the study’s author, said in an interview with Daily Yonder. “Similar results were reported in a CDC study looking at the general population.” 

Thumula said the study did not address causality, but that geographic differences can affect opioid prescription rates.  

“It is beyond the scope of our study to establish causality,” Thumula said. “That said, geographic differences in medical practice and health care delivery systems and differences in socioeconomic factors such as education level, socioeconomic status, labor force participation, and other quality of life indicators, may play a role… We found similar results, i.e., higher opioid dispensing rates in rural counties compared to urban counties, even in a study we published last year which focused on one state, Kentucky. It is interesting that similar direction of results was seen in this study even after controlling for local opioid dispensing rate quartiles.” 

Previous WCRI studies found that workers in some states – such as Louisiana, California, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina and Texas, are more likely to receive opioids and to get prescriptions for longer periods of time. Between 1 in 10 and 1 in 12 injured workers with opioid prescriptions in those states were identified as having “long-term” prescriptions, or prescriptions for more than 60 days’ supply of the drug in any 90-day period.  

The study also found that employees at small companies were more likely to be given prescriptions for opioids. Injured employees who worked for small businesses, or those having a payroll of less than $20 million, were also more likely to be prescribed opioids. The study found that 54 percent of injured employees of companies with payrolls between $1 million and $4 million were given at least one prescription for opioids, compared to 47 percent of those employed by companies with payrolls between $20 million to $80 million. Injured workers at those small companies were also more likely to have two or more opioid prescriptions, and to have long term prescriptions.  

(Source: Correlates of Opioid Use. Workers Compensation Research institute)

Injured workers in certain industries, like mining and construction, were more likely to receive opioid prescriptions, as were workers between the ages of 40 and 60, and workers who sustained fractures, carpel tunnel syndrome or neurological spine pain, were more likely to receive at least one opioid prescription.  

Thumula said the study looked at patterns WCRI had seen in previous studies.  

“WCRI has been examining opioid utilization patterns across states and over time for many years,” Thumula said. “Over these years we learned that workers in certain industries, workers sustaining certain injuries were more likely to receive opioids. This study was an attempt to quantify this variation.” 

But in general, Thumula said, opioid prescriptions are declining.  

“In previous WCRI studies, we found substantial decreases in opioids dispensed to injured workers,” she said. “Also, fewer injured workers received opioids on a longer-term basis in recent years. We haven’t specifically examined whether workers had a diagnosis of opioid use disorders but a decrease in opioid prescriptions, especially on a longer-term basis may have impacted the rate of opioid dependency.” 

While WCRI does not make any policy recommendations, the information may be of use to those who do, WCRI officials said.  

“This study can help public officials and other stakeholders better predict which injured workers are more or less likely to receive opioids,” said Dr. John Ruser, WCRI’s president and CEO. “For example, this study finds that injured workers in certain industries are more likely to receive opioids on a chronic basis. This information might be useful in setting priorities for targeting special interventions to reduce inappropriate opioid prescriptions.” 

This article was originally published by Daily Yonder.

Opioid Epidemic

Purdue Pharma Taps a Gilded Age History of Pharmaceutical Fraud

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Classified advertisement for Leslie Keeley’s Gold Cure. Courtesy: ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Chicago Tribune, July 21, 1884

Newly unsealed documents from a lawsuit by the state of Massachusetts allege that Purdue Pharma, maker of OxyContin and other addictive opioids, actively sniffed out new, sinister ways to cash in on the opioid crisis.

Despite years of negative press coverage, unwanted attention from regulators, multi-million dollar fines and several major lawsuits, Purdue staff and owners sought to expand the company’s sights beyond its usual array of opioid painkillers. Purdue planned to become an “end-to-end pain provider,” by branching into the market for opioid addiction and overdose medicines, looking to peddle these medicines even while the company continued to aggressively market its addictive opioids. Internal research materials coldly explained the rationale behind this plan: “Pain treatment and addiction are naturally linked.”

As thousands of Americans continue to overdose on opioids annually, Purdue’s secret marketing research predicted that sales of naloxone, the overdose reversal drug, and buprenorphine, a medicine used to treat opioid addiction, would increase exponentially. Addiction to Purdue’s opioids would thus drive the sale of the company’s opioid addiction and overdose medicines. Purdue even planned to target as customers patients already taking the company’s opioids and doctors who prescribed opioids excessively, according to the Massachusetts lawsuit filing. To keep the plan quiet, Purdue staff dubbed the scheme “Project Tango.”

According to the Massachusetts lawsuit, Purdue used this graphic in its internal strategy materials to illustrate Project Tango. Photo: State of Massachusetts, CC BY-SA

The audacity of Project Tango enraged many observers. But considered in historical context, the news that Purdue sought to peddle opioid addiction medicines while continuing to sell opioids seems less surprising. In fact, there is clear historical precedent for Purdue’s business plan. Over a century ago, “patent medicine” sellers pioneered this strategy during the U.S.’s Gilded Age opiate addiction epidemic.

Opiate addiction in the Gilded Age

Opiates were some of the most commonly prescribed medicines in American history until the 20th century. Pills containing opium, hypodermic morphine injections and laudanum, a drinkable liquid concoction of opium and alcohol, constituted half or more of all medicines prescribed in American hospitals during most of the 19th century, according to research by the historian John Harley Warner. Opiates were also present in countless “patent medicines,” over-the-counter panaceas made of secret ingredients, often sold under catchy brand names like Mrs. Winslow’s Soothing Syrup. Americans could choose from 5,000 brands of patent medicines marketed for all manner of ailments by the 1880s. In 1904, just before federal oversight began, patent medicines had matured into an astonishingly profitable industry, with estimated sales at US$74 million dollars annually – equivalent to about $2.1 billion dollars today.

Opiate-laced prescriptions and patent medicines often caused addiction. The historian David T. Courtwright estimates that opiate addiction rates in the U.S. skyrocketed to 4.59 per thousand Americans by the 1890s – a high rate, although lower than the rate of fatal opioid overdoses in recent years. Most individuals developed addictions through medicines, rather than the infamous smoking variety of opium. Victims of “the habit” cut across demographic lines, encompassing middle-class housewives suffering from menstrual pain, Civil War veterans reeling from amputations and many others in between.

Yet even for those who became addicted to prescription opiates, the condition was socially stigmatized and physically dangerous. Like today, addiction to opiates often led to fatal overdose, condemnation and sometimes even involuntary commitment to mental asylums. As one doctor reported to the Iowa Board of Health in 1885, addicted people lived “truly in a veritable hell.”

To avoid these frightful outcomes, desperate, opiate-addicted Americans frequently sought out medical treatment for their condition.

Gilded Age Americans could choose from a range of therapies for opiate addiction. Wealthy patients frequented plush private clinics, where they could receive inpatient treatment for opiate addiction. The most popular were the Keeley Institutes, which offered patients injections of the “Bichloride of Gold” remedy, invented by the doctor Leslie Keeley.

Scores of Keeley Institutes sprang up around the country in the late 19th century, a testament to the popularity of Keeley’s “Gold Cure,” which he marketed for alcoholism and drug addiction. No up-and-coming Gilded Age city was complete without a Keeley Institute. At the height of the Gold Cure craze, there were 118 institutes serving 500,000 Americans between 1880 and 1920. Even the federal government had a contract with Keeley to provide the Gold Cure to addicted veterans. Although injections of the Gold Cure had little intrinsic medical value, historians believe that socializing with other like-minded patients in the Keeley Institutes may have helped some patients recover from addiction.

Advertisement for the main Keeley Center, in Dwight, Illinois, 1908.

Keeley faced stiff competition, however. Other popular therapies for opiate addiction included patent medicine “cures” and “antidotes,” which were cheaper than inpatient care. These could be ordered by mail without a prescription, and consumed in the privacy of one’s home, away from prying eyes.

Fueled by high demand, during its heyday at the turn of the 20th century, addiction cures bloomed into a multimillion-dollar sector of the patent medicine industry. Dozens of pharmaceutical companies peddled their “cures” to willing, opiate-addicted customers, which they marketed through pamphlets, postcards, and newspaper and magazine classifieds.

Ironically, these “cures” for opiate addiction almost universally contained opiates, unbeknownst to hopeful customers, who received little therapeutic benefit by today’s standards. But in an era before federal regulation of medicines and narcotics, there were no effective safeguards to protect addiction patients from medical fraud.

Pharmaceutical fraud

Much like Purdue Pharma, which famously marketed Oxycontin as non-addictive precipitating the opioid crisis, Gilded Age patent medicine companies also fraudulently marketed their addiction treatments as non-addictive, targeting and intentionally deceiving addicted customers. For their part, Gilded Age doctors were deeply skeptical of such products, and they often accused proprietors of fraud in medical journals and newspapers.

Samuel B. Collins of La Porte, Indiana, inventor of the “Painless Opium Antidote,” one of the era’s most popular brands, insisted that his product was not addictive. Collins was proven a fraud, however, by a skeptical Maine doctor, who in 1876 sent off a sample of Collins’ product to several chemists for analysis. Their tests indicated that the Painless Opium Antidote contained enough morphine to perpetuate opiate addiction, actually fueling demand for Collins’s product, rather than curing the underlying addiction.

Despite the overwhelming evidence, however, without any effective medical regulation or oversight, Collins maintained his fraud for decades. His business strategy presaged Purdue’s Project Tango by targeting vulnerable opiate-addicted individuals.

Advertisement for Theriaki, a painless cure for the opium habit. Exterior view of Dr. Collins’ Opium Antidote Laboratory, LaPorte, Indiana. National Library of Medicine

After decades of exposés by doctors and journalists, however, the opiate addiction cure trade collapsed during the Progressive Era under mounting public pressure and new federal legislation. One famous “muckraking” exposé, The Great American Fraud by the journalist Samuel Hopkins Adams, pulled back the curtain on the industry of opiate addiction cures for millions of appalled readers.

Collier’s ad, Dec., 1905, after the publication of articles on patent medicine fraud. Wikimedia Commons

Hopkins painted such a scathing portrait of opiate addiction cures, whose proprietors the writer dismissed as “scavengers,” that the American Medical Association paid to disseminate Adams’s reporting as part of a lobbying campaign for the regulation of patent medicines. This strategy paid off. Although far from perfect solutions, the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 and the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act of 1914 regulated the ingredients and sale of patent medicines and narcotics, including opiate addiction medicines. These measures ultimately ensured that Collins, Keeley and other patent medicine sellers could no longer prey upon opiate-addicted customers.

Like its Gilded Age predecessors, today’s Big Pharma actively schemes to profit off of vulnerable, addicted customers, even while taking steps to ensure that opioid addiction persists. I believe that only sustained, vigilant oversight can prevent the reemergence of a medical Gilded Age, one in which companies like Purdue Pharma can manufacture an addiction crisis and charge customers for “curing” it.

Jonathan S. Jones, PhD Candidate in History, Binghamton University, State University of New York

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Opioid Epidemic

HIV Cluster Found in West Virginia County with High Rate of Opioid Use

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Dr. Michael Kilkenny, physician director of the Cabell-Huntington Health Department, discusses the recent HIV cluster in Cabell County on Monday, March 4, 2019, in Huntington.Photo: Lori Wolfe/The Herald-Dispatch

An active HIV cluster of 28 known cases has been confirmed in Cabell County, West Virginia, primarily among the area’s population of intravenous drug users, according to the state’s Bureau for Public Health.

The cluster, tracked from January 2018 to the present, represents a sharp uptick from the baseline average of eight cases annually over the past five years. This is the first notable HIV cluster in West Virginia where intravenous drug use is identified as the main risk factor, said Dr. Michael Kilkenny, physician director of the Cabell-Huntington Health Department.

In Appalachia, HIV is typically a rare diagnosis compared with coastal cities. This latest cluster represents a continuing shift in how HIV is most often spread, from men having risky sexual contact with other men to intravenous drug users, Kilkenny said.

Other areas in the region are likewise experiencing HIV clusters, including the Cincinnati metro area and smaller pockets scattered around West Virginia.

More than 20 of the 28 known HIV cases are Cabell County residents, Kilkenny said, while the remainder live elsewhere but may have been diagnosed at one of the county’s medical facilities.

The West Virginia Bureau for Public Health characterizes a cluster as being confined to a certain population – in this case, IV drug users – where it may be able to be controlled with minimal risk to the general public. An outbreak would indicate the disease is spreading beyond that initial group.

Kilkenny said there is no model to predict how much Cabell County’s cluster could grow, and declined to speculate.

A true-life worst case scenario was lived out around 250 miles down the Ohio River in 2015, when rural Scott County, Indiana, suffered an HIV outbreak infecting 181 people among a close network of residents sharing needles to inject opioids.

Cabell County is estimated to have more than 1,800 active IV drug users, so introducing HIV into that population is a point of major concern, Kilkenny said.

However, he continued, Huntington is well-equipped with the systems already in place to treat substance use disorder and that at-risk population, meaning it’s better prepared to face the spread of HIV than a community starting from scratch.

“We know how many people we have and we have outreach already into that population,” Kilkenny said.

“So while on the one hand that sounds like a scary number, on the other hand I don’t think that another community, that I could name, has that information going into the intervention.

“So I think we’ll be able to intervene quicker and more effectively than a community who doesn’t know what their population is or doesn’t have programs in place that touch those people.”

The main push of the plan to treat HIV in Cabell County – which has been in the works for about six weeks between the county and state – is to identify every case and refer individuals to treatment, Kilkenny explained.

Even though HIV isn’t curable, medication can now drive down the viral load in a person’s blood to the point where it can no longer be spread.

The plan also includes an ongoing public awareness campaign to encourage those at risk to get tested, and to reduce stigma surrounding the disease in the general public.

The health department hosted a public forum on HIV on Feb. 19 to offer information on the disease. It featured state and local experts.

“It’s important for people to know that HIV is not the death sentence it was 30 years ago, and that it’s not spread by social contact like hugging or shaking hands,” Kilkenny said.

“Those people should have no concerns at all about HIV,” referencing those who don’t engage in known risky behaviors.

This article was originally published by the Herald-Dispatch.

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Opioid Epidemic

Driving While Recovering: For Some Fighting Addiction, A Roadblock On The Path To Sobriety

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After decades of addiction to heroin and prescription opioids, Wendy Crites finally made a clean break.

“For the first time in my life I just wanted to be off of it,” she said from her home in Ranson, West Virginia. “I hit rock bottom.”

Last year the ReSource profiled Crites, a single mother getting by on low-wage jobs during her first year of sobriety. Crites has had success with a combination of counseling and a medication called Suboxone.

Crites cuts Suboxone film, which she uses along with regular counseling. Photo: Rebecca Kiger, Ohio Valley ReSource

“It’s been a huge part of my recovery,” she said. “I feel like the Suboxone has saved my life.”

Suboxone is a mixture of naloxone, the opioid-reversal medication, and a less potent opioid known as buprenorphine. It satisfies the brain’s craving for opioids without the body feeling the full effect of more powerful opioids.

Crites is among the thousands of people caught up in the Ohio Valley’s opioid crisis who find that treatment with medications such as Suboxone help them recover from addiction. But some face an obstacle on the road to recovery. Using the medication while driving can land them in trouble with the law. For Crites, that threatens the fragile gains she has made to better provide for her child and keep on the path to sobriety.

Maintaining Her Life

“When I met her she was renting a room that had no heat, during winter,” Rebecca Kiger recalled. Kiger, a photojournalist based in West Virginia, spent time with Crites documenting her struggle for sobriety, and the two have stayed in touch as Crites has improved her situation.

“She was working a minimum wage job at McDonald’s, she had no transportation but would ride a bike to work at all hours, including in the dark,” Kiger said.

“Since then I got my own place,” Crites said proudly in a recent interview with Kiger. “I got my license back, I got a car now.”

Kiger saw how important it was for Crites to have medication-assisted treatment.

Alexandra Kanik, Ohio Valley Resource

“What it does for her, Wendy who has kind of lived with an addiction disorder since she was 15 years old, it allows her to not have her whole life focused around drug use,” Kiger said.

“I have not used heroin one time since I started taking Suboxone,” Crites said.

Kiger has seen how sobriety has changed Crites’ life and the lives of those around her.

“She can help her son get to school, help him study, hold down a full-time job, maintain relationships with her friends and family,” she said. “You know, maintain her life.”

Crites has been clean now for two years. But an incident in August could be her biggest challenge yet. Ironically, it has to do with the very medication that has helped keep her sober.

“I saw lights”

Crites said that a friend, another person in addiction recovery, asked her for a ride.

“Thirty seconds after I got him in the car I saw lights, got pulled over,” she said. The officer told her she had rolled through a stop sign, something she does not dispute. But what came after is what has her upset and worried about her future.

“When the officer saw who I was, he knew me,” she said.

The officer recognized Crites as someone he had once arrested in the days when she was in active addiction. He asked if there were drugs in the car.

“I said no, officer, I’ve been in the Suboxone program for two years and I don’t do drugs anymore.”

She allowed officers to search the vehicle. They found nothing.

“Then he asked, ‘So you said you’re in the Suboxone program?’” Crites recalled. “‘You will have to pass a field sobriety test.’”

Driving Problems

Suboxone has the potential to impair some drivers at certain doses. The safety information from Suboxone’s maker includes this warning: “Do not drive, operate heavy machinery, or perform any other dangerous activities until you know how Suboxone Film affects you.”

The company advises that buprenorphine, the main drug in Suboxone, “can cause drowsiness and slow reaction times during dose-adjustment periods.”

A study published in 2013 found slight impairment, especially among those not yet accustomed to the medication.

Before getting her car, Crites bicycled to her job. Photo: Rebecca Kiger, Ohio Valley ReSource

“At least some opioid maintenance therapy patients are observed having only slight impairments of relevance to driving,” the authors concluded.

Crites said she had been on the same prescribed dose for more than a year and was not impaired when she was pulled over. But when asked to stand on one foot, or walk heel-to-toe, she failed the sobriety test.

“I can’t do it. I am flat-footed and uncoordinated,” she said with a laugh. She also had recently recovered from a broken ankle in the past year, something Kiger documented during their time together.

Crites suspects there is another reason she was made to take a sobriety test.

A Catch-22

Crites said she thinks she was targeted because of her past and because of a stigma associated with Suboxone and other medication-assisted treatments for addiction.

“That’s how I messed up, I told him I take Suboxone,” Crites said of her encounter with the police.

Crites is not the only one who suspects law enforcement officers frequently take a dim view of Suboxone.

Public health experts call medication-assisted treatment, including use of Suboxone, the gold standard of addiction care. But outside of the clinical setting, Suboxone can also be abused and is sometimes diverted into the black market drug trade. That appears to color how police consider Suboxone users.

In her new book “Dopesick” author Beth Macy writes, “If you were drawing a Venn diagram comparing Suboxone attitudes among public health experts and criminal justice officials in Appalachian Bible-belt communities where the painkiller epidemic initially took root, the spheres would just barely touch.”

That disconnect between police and physicians is playing out on the region’s roads.

Dr. Jana Burson is a specialist in the treatment of opioid addiction working in North Carolina, where she also maintains a blog on issues that arise in treatment programs. In August Dr. Burson posted what she called “A Letter to Law Enforcement” about medication-assisted treatments and the number of her clients who were being pulled over on the highways.

Wendy Crites has had success in recovery thanks to medication-assisted treatment. Photo: Rebecca Kiger, Ohio Valley ReSource

“Dear Officer Zealous,” she began. “Please stop arresting my patients for whom I’ve prescribed methadone and buprenorphine …You mistakenly think all people taking these medications have no right to be driving, and you are wrong.”

Past Isn’t Dead

“I just wish people would get educated on Suboxone, that’s all,” Crites said with a sigh of exasperation, noting that her treatment is paid in part by the government.

“It’s like the state says ‘Okay, we need to help these people.’ But then the state penalizes you for it!” she said.

And in a small town where reputations matter, she feels she is still being punished for her past.

“It makes me angry that people can’t let you live down your past,” she said. “I’ve got so many people behind me who can say how much I changed my life, but there are people who can’t see past that.”

Crites is angry. She is also worried that she could lose her license, something that could jeopardize much of what she worked for in the past year. As Kiger learned in her time with Crites, she and her son live on a very thin margin.

“She faces paying a lot of fines, which can be crippling to someone who is in the economic category she’s in, which is basically working poor,” Kiger said.

Without transportation in a rural setting Crites would face difficulties getting her son to school and herself to work.

“I stand to lose everything, really,” Crites said. “My job, my home.”

And Kiger worries that Crites’ hard-won sobriety could also be at risk.

“It would be a real setback,” Kiger said. “After years of drug abuse, I would hate this to become a stress that has her turning to drugs to cope.”

Crites faces a preliminary court hearing in December. She said she will refuse a plea deal. But she does not yet have an attorney to offer her legal advice.

Crites applied for representation from the public defender’s office but found that with the slight raise she received from her new food service job the state considers her too wealthy for a court-appointed attorney.

This article was originally published by Ohio Valley Resource

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