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By Disrespecting Veterans, Trump Disdains Appalachian Voters Who Put Him in Office



In retrospect, we learned all we needed to know about President Trump’s views of the U.S. military when candidate Trump smeared the Khan Gold Star family during the 2016 presidential campaign.

He reinforced that impression following the first military action he ordered – a covert SEAL mission in Yemen that resulted in the death of Senior Chief Petty Officer William “Ryan” Owens. First, Trump blamed his predecessor, President Obama, for initiating the mission, then he blamed U.S. generals for Owens’s death.

“They lost Ryan,” Trump told Fox News.

The president is the commander and chief of the U.S. military forces. Whatever the outcome of military action – the death of Osama bin Laden or the death of Chief Petty Officer Owens – the ultimate responsibility lies with the president. Trump was correctly criticized by current and former military members for saying “they” lost Ryan. A more honorable response would have been “We lost Ryan.”

Trump’s treatment of the military and its veterans should matter to West Virginians and residents of other Appalachian states, who are national leaders in two categories:  1) voting for Trump and 2) sending their sons and daughters into military service.

Just under 69 percent of West Virginians voted for Trump – the second-highest percentage of any state, right behind Wyoming. Appalachian states Kentucky and Alabama went 63 percent for Trump; Tennessee, 61 percent.

Appalachian states also boast high veteran populations. Nine percent of West Virginia residents are veterans, a figure that ties the state for second in the nation with a handful of other states, including South Carolina and Alabama. In Virginia, the number is 10 percent.

According to the U.S. Census, Southern states – many of them in the Appalachian region – are home to 40 percent of all U.S. veterans, the nation’s highest regional percentage by far.

This week, Trump was asked why he hadn’t performed the customary presidential role of Comforter in Chief for the families of the four soldiers killed in an ambush in Niger. In response, he once again used the situation to smear others and try to make himself look better.

In this Sept. 15, 2015, photo, then-candidate Donald Trump speaks during a campaign event aboard the retired USS Iowa in Los Angeles. The Associated Press reported that the Internal Revenue Service had revoked the non-profit status of Veterans for a Strong America (VSA), the group that hosted Trump’s speech. VSA is headed by Joel Arends, a veteran and conservative campaign operative. According to Rick Cohen, national correspondent for the Non-Profit Quarterly, VSA is not a legitimate veterans organization. “For Arends to claim that Veterans for a Strong America has a half-million members, or for Trump to tout its endorsement of his campaign as a statement of support from veterans, is embarrassing not just to the press, which didn’t dig into the organization’s veteran bona fides, but to the nonprofit sector, which seems to be plagued by 501(c)(4)s, super PACs, and even 501(c)(3)s that are willing to take advantage of the America public’s goodwill toward the men and women who served in the military.” (AP Photo/Kevork Djansezian)

Trump claimed, “The traditional way, if you look at President Obama and other presidents — most of them didn’t make calls,” he said. “A lot of them didn’t make calls.” This was a lie. Presidents Obama, Bush 41 and Bush 43, Clinton and every other president in memory has called or written to or personally visited the families of fallen soldiers. Obama routinely visited wounded soldiers at Washington D.C.’s Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. The sister of one soldier killed in Iraq took to Twitter to recall how President George W. Bush listened while she screamed at him and then hugged her while she sobbed.

Trump, on the other hand, said that he had “called every family of someone that’s died.” But The Washington Post contacted families of 13 of the at least 20 Americans killed in action since Trump took office. It found that only half of them said they had received calls from the president.

One of the calls Trump did make went disastrously wrong, according to the widow of a soldier killed in Niger.

Calling Myeshia Johnson, widow of Sgt. La David Johnson, Trump told the grieving woman that, while her husband’s death was painful, he “knew what he signed up for.”

On Twitter, Trump denied he said it, but the woman’s account was backed up by her mother and a member of Congress, who were in the car with her and heard the conversation with the president.

Why does all this matter? West Virginians and many other Appalachians put Trump in the White House. Trump prominently appealed to veterans and campaigned with generals. One might think he would treat military members and veterans with special care, not ignore and insult them, use them as cudgels to beat political opponents, and duck responsibility when they are killed under his command.

Yet, so far, Appalachians don’t seem to care. A recent survey of 470,000 Americans found that, although Trump’s approval rating has dropped in all 50 states over the course of his presidency, it remains positive in 16 states. Trump remains most popular in Wyoming, followed by West Virginia. Regionally, he remains most popular in the region of the country with the most veterans — the South.

This is puzzling. But maybe Trump’s constant charge that the mainstream media is fake news is sticking with his supporters, who believe his tweets over legitimate journalism. Maybe not forever, though. The recent survey of Trump’s approval rating was taken before his insensitive response to the deaths in Niger. And it was taken before this photo of Myeshia Johnson, hugging the coffin of her husband, her little girl standing next to her.

West Virginians understand suffering and loss in battle. The state was born from war, and West Virginia families have given more than their share in defending America. The government has nothing to give grieving West Virginia families to replace their loss. But presidents have always at least given their respect. Until now.

Frank Ahrens, a West Virginia native, is a public relations executive in Washington D.C. He was a Washington Post journalist for 18 years and is the author of “Seoul Man: A Memoir of Cars, Culture, Crisis, and Unexpected Hilarity Inside a Korean Corporate Titan.”


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Ohio Valley Outlook: Expect a Slower Regional Economy in 2020



Photo: Becca Schimmel/Ohio Valley ReSource
Photo: Becca Schimmel/Ohio Valley ReSource

This piece was originally published by Ohio Valley ReSource.

The Ohio Valley’s economy could see slower growth in 2020 amid continued anxiety about trade, and possible downturns in both energy and manufacturing, according to analyses and forecasts by regional economists.

Michael Hicks directs the Center for Business and Economic Research at Ball State University in Indiana where he forecasts the health of the manufacturing sector. Hicks expects manufacturing to slow down, and he blames the tariffs levied under President Donald Trump’s administration. Hicks said the costs imposed by the trade war are playing out in markets across the region and he predicts the Ohio Valley’s economic growth to slow dramatically in 2020.

“You will see layoffs certainly, lower hours, less generous bonuses both this year and next year, less demand for power which is going to be important particularly in Kentucky and West Virginia, as manufacturing firms both use less metallurgical coal and less coal for electrical power,” Hicks said.

‘One tweet away’

A report Hicks co-authored shows the impact of manufacturing employment on the overall health of the United States economy has diminished. Production is still a large share of the economy. But, he said, the economies of Kentucky, Ohio and West Virginia are heavily dependent on exports, which is why the trade war has and will continue to have a large impact.

Alexandra Kanik/Ohio Valley ReSource

The Trump administration has made some recent moves to improve trade relations. The United States Mexico Canada Agreement or, USMCA, would replace the North American Free Trade Agreement or, NAFTA. USMCA has passed the House and is still pending in the Senate. But Hicks said that trade deal doesn’t offer much assurance.

“The USMCA passage is essentially for your typical manufacturing firm it improves the confidence that we’re not going to have a trade war with our big partners in Canada and Mexico,” Hicks said. “But to just speak candidly, we’re always one tweet away from a new adversary in the trade war.”

He said if European firms are less interested in buying higher-priced American products it’s enough to cause a significant decline in the demand for goods produced in the U.S. Hicks said that could have a bigger effect in the region than in the country as a whole.

“Which is enough to push Kentucky and West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois into a localized recession,” he said. “It’s not enough for a national recession, but it’s enough to give us the feel and taste of what a recession would be like.”

Of the three states, Ohio’s larger economy is also more diverse and follows national trends more closely. Zach Schiller is an economist with Policy Matters Ohio, an economic research institute.

“Ohio is not an island, you know, our economy is closely integrated into the national and international economies,” Schiller said.

Schiller said the largest employers in Ohio are either national or international companies and he expects any change in the state’s economy to be similar to what happens nationally.

Still Recovering

In Kentucky, manufacturing plays a significant role in the state’s economy. Jason Bailey director the left-leaning Kentucky Center for Economic Policy. He said manufacturing has grown in large part because of the auto industry, but carmakers are seeing a slowdown.

“We’ve lost a lot of manufacturing over the last couple decades across the state and industries like apparel or furniture manufacturing or computer parts manufacturing, that has often been to cheaper locations like China and in Latin America,” Bailey said.

Bailey said Kentucky still hasn’t fully recovered from the last recession and it’s facing a tough year ahead with state budget cuts likely.

West Virginia is in a similar position with even fewer signs of economic recovery. West Virginia University’s College of Business and Economics is predicting the economy will expand by about point two percent annually for the next five years. The Executive Director of the left-leaning West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy Ted Boettner said that’s the lowest growth rate WVU has predicted for the state in the past seven years.

“You know since our last economic recession that began in 2007, West Virginia has seen less than a 1 percent increase in job growth over that time,” Boettner said.

Pipeline stacked in Morgantown, West Virginia. Photo by: Larry Dowling/West Virginia Public Broadcasting

Boettner said the state’s economy has always been on a “roller coaster ride” based on energy markets. The downturn in coal has hit hard, of course, but that was somewhat offset recently by a boost from natural gas and pipeline construction work. Now, however, one major pipeline project is complete and some others have been halted by legal challenges. Boettner said that focus on natural resource extraction can hamper other kinds of growth.

“A lot of other industries, especially ones based in the knowledge-based economy don’t really want to be around extractive industries,” Boettner said. “They don’t want to be around a lot of pollution, and things like that. So you really are choosing one over the other in some sense.”

Boettner said the state has never had big urban centers to build a diversified economy around, but he thinks investment in education could help with that.

“I mean, unfortunately, it’s gotten to the point where I think the only way that West Virginia is going to really thrive, potentially thrive, over the coming decades will be unless there’s massive federal investment in the state,” he said.

Deficits Despite Growth 

The U.S. is in the longest period of economic recovery in modern history. Hicks said normally that would mean the country would be running a budget surplus and could start paying off debt or taking on big projects.

“We would have made some long term investments in infrastructure, highways, roads, particularly with transfers to local governments that are, you know, facing a lot of aging infrastructure,” Hicks said.

Instead, Hicks said, the federal budget has a deficit of more than a trillion dollars after tax cuts and what he calls unsustainable federal spending, including the trade bailouts for farmers. And he said those economic policies are not having the degree of stimulus they should, largely because of the negative effects of the trade war.

A report from Ball State notes the Trump administration’s 2018 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was meant to spur private, non-residential investment. But whatever effect could have been expected was muted by a similarly large tax increase due to tariffs associated with the trade war.

“We are running a budget deficit of $1.1 trillion, which is considerably more than the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009,” Hicks said. “That was Obama’s large stimulus package passed in February 2009. That was only $856 billion”

As economists across the region watch for signs of the next recession, they also look to infrastructure investment as an area for potential growth. The Ohio Valley has massive funding needs for its roads, broadband internet access, and aging water systems.

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Fact-check: Is Jim Justice the First West Virginia Governor to Fight For Teacher Pay Raises?



Teachers celebrate after West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice and Senate Republicans announced they reached a tentative deal to end a statewide teachers' strike by giving them 5 percent raises in Charleston, W.Va., Tuesday, March 6, 2018. Photo: Robert Ray/AP
Teachers celebrate after West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice and Senate Republicans announced they reached a tentative deal to end a statewide teachers' strike by giving them 5 percent raises in Charleston, W.Va., Tuesday, March 6, 2018. Photo: Robert Ray/AP Photo

West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice, facing a competitive Republican primary in 2020, recently introduced an ad touting his accomplishments in office, including a focus on K-12 education.

The ad, released in a Dec. 4 tweet, features several West Virginians reading off a series of scripted accomplishments from Justice’s tenure. One of the accomplishments, voiced by a teacher, is that “Jim Justice is the first West Virginia governor to fight for pay raises for educators.”

This struck us as odd since governors of all parties regularly tout their support for teachers — a group that’s popular with voters and, in many states, a politically powerful constituency.

Teacher salaries have been an especially sensitive issue in West Virginia. Between 2005 and 2017, West Virginia teacher salaries never rose higher than 44th in the nation. That history set the stage for a 2018 teacher strike in West Virginia, which was the state’s first major K-12 walkout in almost three decades. Justice eventually signed a 5 percent pay bump, which is more than the legislature had offered prior to the strike.

So is Justice really the first West Virginia governor ever to push for teacher pay raises? His office did not respond to inquiries for this article, but we found that each of Justice’s five immediate predecessors either proposed or enacted teacher pay raises.

Gov. Earl Ray Tomblin, Democrat, 2011-2017

In his first state of the state address in 2011, Tomblin proposed a one-time, across-the-board $800 increase for teachers. “Frankly, it should be more and we need to strive for a day when our teachers are paid at a rate equivalent to the most important role they play,” he said in the speech, according to the Associated Press.

In 2014, despite offering few increases in his relatively austere budget proposal, Tomblin did include a 2 percent pay raise for teachers. The bill he eventually signed contained a $1,000 raise for teachers for the 2014-2015 school year. 

Gov. Joe Manchin, Democrat, 2005-2010

As governor, Manchin — now a U.S. Senator — periodically sparred with teachers’ unions over the size of his salary increase proposals. But both Manchin’s Senate office and West Virginia teachers’ unions agree that he proposed a teacher salary increase and signed it into law.

During his tenure, Manchin raised teacher salaries by 3.5 percent, according to a joint statement released by the West Virginia Education Association, the American Federation of Teachers-West Virginia, and the West Virginia School Service Personnel Association when the groups endorsed Manchin’s Senate reelection bid in 2018. Manchin’s Senate office cited the same 3.5 percent increase when we inquired.

The legislation Manchin signed also improved teachers’ annual salary increments and allowed educators to move from a 401(k)-style defined contribution plans to a defined-benefit system.

Gov. Bob Wise, Democrat, 2001-2005

In his 2001 state of the state address, Wise proposed raising teacher salaries by $1,000, plus $2,500 in incentives. “Teachers are the heart of the educational system. We must honor the work of our teachers,” he said.

After leaving the governor’s office, Wise became CEO of the Alliance for Excellent Education, an education advocacy group.

Gov. Cecil Underwood, Republican, 1997-2001

In his 1998 state of the state address, Underwood proposed giving teachers a $750 pay raise. He signed a three-year pay raise into law later that year.

Gov. Gaston Caperton, Democrat, 1989-1997

Caperton was governor during a divisive, 11-day West Virginia teacher strike in 1990, but he ended up presiding over a significant pay increase for the state’s teachers. The strike was settled when all parties agreed on a $5,000 pay increase phased in over three years.

Last year, PolitiFact reported that most significant recent improvement in West Virginia teacher pay compared to other states came between 1990 and 2000, a period during which Caperton and Underwood were in office.

Like Wise, Caperton headed an education group — the College Board — after serving as governor.

Our ruling 

Justice’s ad said he’s “the first West Virginia governor to fight for pay raises for educators.”

That’s far off-base. Seeking pay raises for teachers is practically a rite of passage for governors, and West Virginia is no exception. Not one, not two, but each of Justice’s five most recent predecessors — Tomblin, Manchin, Wise, Underwood and Caperton — either proposed a teacher pay raise, signed one into law or both. We rate the statement Pants on Fire!

This article was originally published by PolitiFact.

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